Radical And Liberal Theories Of Inequality Essay Example for Free

Radical And Liberal Theories Of Inequality Essay Social inequality (as a general philosophical and social concept including, before all economic inequalities along with the modern racial and gender issues of disparity) has always been a characteristic feature of human society therefore it is not surprising that majority of ancient and contemporary social philosophers are involved into discussion of how the inequality came to be and what can be done to reduce it. As usually there is no single opinion on the issue. There is an attitude that inequality is an ingrained feature of our social structure so any attempts to reduce or eliminate it are self-defeating. Still there is another opinion: inequality emerged on a certain stage of development of human society when one group of people took advantage of all other people and captured the source of welfare – material goods. It is not yet clear which one is true. The problem of social inequality has a long tradition of analysis; at least since the times of Aristotle, the existence of social disparity appeared a key problem for democratic theory and practice. Nowadays several major philosophical paradigms study the nature of inequality, i.e.: conservative, liberal, and radical; each of them has different vision of the problem (Conservative†¦ 2004). We will focus on liberal and radical visions of the problem and contrast their approaches to view the problem. Libertarian approach before all concentrates on freedoms and social rights of individuals as the members of common society. The approach focuses on people and, contrasting radical outlooks of the problem could be described as the â€Å"individualistic† one. Radical approach, speaking critically, is a â€Å"collectivistic† paradigm that put a focus on social classes instead of people. Liberalists, in their turn, stay on the premises that everyone is before all an individual, and that all individuals have inalienable social rights guaranteed by the society (Kidder et al, 2004). The central value of liberalistic theory is, therewith, inborn freedom of people. Liberals believe that people are able to change their social status themselves and become prosperous in this life. Radicals, on the contrary observe people as foredoomed creature who can’t leave the measures of their social class. As a result, they could become equally treated only through revolutionary changes. Capitalists, observing radical philosophy of social inequality, use all resources available to make the rest of the society equal; therewith, capitalists appear the primary enemies of social inequality who victimize the average people. Liberals never expressed such radical ideas; instead they believe that it’s rather the role of capitalists and government to establish a welfare society. The core differences between liberal and radical approaches, comparing and contrasting ideas of Marx (Avineri, 1968) and Weber (1958), lie in their vision of the fundamentals of social inequality. While Marx stayed on the material premises and some objective reasons that people can’t change, Weber believed in people’s rationality and knowledge that help them to achieve social equality themselves. Weber’s ideas of liberalism are close to the vision of people from protestant religion perspective, while Marx’s ideals are, admittedly, closer to orthodox Christianity. The serious difference between radicals and liberals lies in their vision of key aspects of social inequality origin. Radical philosophers develop a theory of social classes where material aspect is considered to be the key one in people’s social inequality. While liberals believe that relatively few people are unequally treated in the modern welfare societies, radical philosophers and Marx (Avineri, 1968) first of all state that the inequality is to be observed in a wider context, first of all as a disparity between major social classes. Marx outlined five social formations; inequality did not exist in the first and the fifth formation. All people were equal during the epoch of Primitive Communism but gradually the situation changed. Asiatic or Ancient formation (slavery), Feudalism and Capitalism – other three formations – were based upon different modes of production and were characterized by great inequalities. Liberals don’t support the idea of social classes in which radical philosopher believe so blindly. Instead, they believe that the roots of social inequality lie simply in unequal share of commonwealth during the previous time periods. This unequal distribution is, as liberal philosophers believe, the principle factor in the emergence of social inequality. One of the first liberal philosophers Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1993; p. 84) exploring the problem of inequality came to the conclusion that it wasn’t a natural state of human beings; instead he claimed that people were born equal but voluntarily bonded themselves into the society that was evil in itself. As a result, apologists of this approach see the problem of emerged inequality as arising from societies where individuals were not listened to or treated equally. Standing on this ground, liberal philosophers criticize unlimited acquisitiveness as sheer greed, and do not agree that the market should be the arbiter of all values. As far as liberalists stay on the principles of equal freedoms and opportunities they criticize the permanent system of welfare distribution amidst the society. The fundamentals of liberal approach to social inequality could be described, in fact, as the civilized and humane ideals where all people possess individual freedom, moral and physical autonomy social equality, a set of inalienable human rights (i.e.: to life, to express own thoughts and opinions, religious worship etc), due process at law), private property, democratic participation etc. Individual rights and freedoms are therewith are at the top of liberals’ value scale. Liberals believe in democracy as the best way of human existence and states’ development and vote for equal opportunities for all people. They, however, don’t support the necessity of regimes’ changes as the radicals’ do. Radical philosophers, in their turn, vote for immediate and rapid changes of the society. At the same time, radical philosophers vote for rapid changes of society’s norms and traditions through revolutions. There lies the major though implicit difference between both approaches as liberals first of all want to fit unequally treated people to the standards of the others, radicals, on the contrary insist that the top of society must be pulled down and treated unequally. As a result, radicals don’t suggest a clear solution of inequality eliminating because in their model one social class shifts another while inequality isn’t reduced at all (the former USSR could serve here a good illustration). Liberals and radicals also differ in the vision of ideal society, while first one support regulated and humane capitalism, radical philosophers believe in socialistic society where are people have equal rights. This idea, however, turned to be utopist one judging from the USSR collapse example. Dislike radical philosophers, liberals observing Kidder (2004) never vote for the rapid and all-round changes in the society in order to reduce or eliminate inequality. Instead, they suggest the remedies for those, who became unequal in this society through no fault of their own. Therewith, liberalism as a philosophical and political system is targeted to defend people from any abuses by authorities or other people. To achieve relative social equality liberals suggest various social programs, labor units, reduction of taxes for those who are in need of such alterations. Liberalists, dislike radical philosophers, believing in the role of society and a state as a self-regulating mechanism that is helpful for every its member. In order to achieve this objective, the government is to regulate somehow market relations to protect public interests. Apologists of liberal approach believe that government can indeed play a constructive role in the society and don’t insist on its elimination as the radicals do. In a word, liberals want both business and government to be more responsible and responsive to the public interest. That’s achieved through corporate social responsibility and governmental regulation of businesses. Radical philosophers and politicians (Kidder, 2004) never presume the idea that a government or a state could abolish social inequality. Instead, only the unequally treated people could do this through revolutionary changes in the society having wiped out a ruling class and capitalists. The language of the radicals tends not to â€Å"convert† but to â€Å"repel† most people. Radicals, therewith, call for some drastic and fundamental changes in the economy including nationalization instead of private property, complete governmental regulation instead of partial intervention and equation of all salaries instead of mixed approach. Do you think American society is open now? Traditionally, American society is believed to be the most free and democratic one in the world. Comparing with the other states, even the democratic ones, we come to the conclusion that American society is quite open nowadays: that mean that all people are born equal and are provided with equal conditions for their life and development. At the same time American as probably no other society could guarantee its people the same financial welfare. Instead, provision of people with equal rights make them responsible for own social and financial development. At the same time, American society is not deprived of several serious drawbacks that slow down building of a completely open society. It’s first of all social discrimination and derogatory stereotypes that dominate over the minds of million Americans; protectionism and some other forms of inequalities that, however, tend to lessen in the modern society. REFERENCES: Avineri, S. The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx. Cambridge University Press, 1968. Conservative, Liberal, Radical Economic Philosophies (2004). Online article retrieved July 13, 2004 from http://www.tc.umn.edu/~smith097/articles/C.3.htm T. et al (2004). World Views on Inequality: Where Did It Come From and What Can We Do? Online article retrieved July 13, 2004 from http:/www.earlham.edu/~pls/ Rousseau, J.-J. The Social Contrast and The Discourses. [Translated by G.D.H. Cole]. London: David Campbell Publishers Ltd., 1993. Weber, M. (1958). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons. New York: Charles Scribners Sons.

Chiang Kai-shek :: Essays Papers

Chiang Kai-shek Chiang Kai-shek, also known as Chiang Chung-cheng, was the son of a middle-class wine merchant who lived in the village of Chikow in Chekiang Province. When he was fourteen years old, following the Chinese custom of that time, he was arranged to be marry by his mother (the bride’s name is not mentioned). His bride and he did not see each other until his walk down the aisle. He did this without complaints only to please his mother. Once he was married he met his bride’s parents, as was tradition. Due to Chiang’s bad temper, the meeting ended in arguments between Chiang and his bride’s father. Once home he tried to keep his mind off of the marriage and concentrated more on what kind of man he wanted to become. He dreamed of becoming a soldier. He saw adventure in a military career and felt comfortable with the demand for authority, order, and strength. Though his family objected and hoped for him to study law, he went off to Tokyo Military Staff College i n 1907. There he became a follower of the revolutionary leader Dr. Sun Yat-sen. This encouraged him in 1911 to take part in the revolt that established the Chinese Republic. In 1917 when Sun established the Guangzhou government, Chiang was his military aide. Sun sent him to the USSR to study Russia military methods and was more than willing to go. He got a good response from the people there. Not only did they give him advice but they also sent thirty or so military men as help. One of these men, named Michael Borodin suggested that they start a military academy in China. They placed it in Whampoa and named it the Whampoa Military Academy. Their main goal was to demand and deserve respect. Once opened they received 1,500 applicants. It planned to register only 300. Sun began to encourage Chiang’s participation in the Nationalist party. After Sun died in 1925, Chiang became a powerful figure in the it and in 1926 took command of the Nationalist army. This was called the Northern Expedition, entering into Shanghai, Hankou, and Nanjing. Chiang initiated the long civil war between the Nationalist government and the Communists.. This was ended in 1936 by General Chang Hsueh-liang who hoped to unite in defense of the approaching Japanese. Many felt that unity could not be achieved unless Chiang were removed as commander-in-chief even before the expedition was completed.

High School and Graduation Essay

Time gets closer to the day we move our tassels from senior to graduate. Graduation steps on the back of our heels like the annoying freshman running late for class. It acts as if it is going to creep up on us, but we all know it will be here soon. It tip-toes in the back of our minds. Graduation: a day of freedom, maturity, and proof that nobody is any better than another. â€Å"There are many different ways of following through†¦ Sometimes it’s about going there, not getting there. Sometimes it’s the journey that teaches you a lot about your destination. â€Å" –Drake. This quote says a lot. He actually spoke at a graduation, and told that graduation class this same thing. This quote reaches out to me because I know my journey will be a rough journey. Becoming the person I want to be after high school is a journey all its own. I hope I get to where I want to be. Even if I do not, I have learned. Although graduation is only a few months away, I am getting nervous. I am nervous. But graduation day will be the day I go from high school student to adult. Age is just a number. Intelligence proves adulthood. I am proud to say I am looking forward to graduation day. I am looking forward to becoming an adult. I am looking forward to taking that next step in my life. I want the rest of my class to be as ready and nervous as I am because I will not feel alone. I know I am not the only one who feels this way. Every senior all around the United States is put in this position. We all do the same thing. We all walk onto that stage, shake hands, smile, wait for a picture and walk off with our high school diplomas in hand. Adults and older siblings did not lie when they told me that my four years of high school will be the best four years of my life. I have had an amazing four years. I have lost friends, gained friends, met some amazing people, and even met some people that I did not want to meet. I got put in positions I was not sure I was mature enough to handle. I handled them though. I got forced to make choices I did not know I needed to make on my own, but I made them and I know I made the right ones because of the person I am today. I am already ready to walk on that stage and smile. Smile big for those who made choices that caused them to not be able to walk with me. I smile for the  people who have tried to bring me down in life so far. And most of all I smile for myself, I smile because I made it. I made it to this graduation day; a day full of freedom, maturity, and proof that nobody is any better than me.

The Final Episode of Mark Twains The Adventures of...

The Great Importance of the Final Episode of Huckleberry Finn One of the things many critics of Huckleberry Finn just cant seem to understand is the final episode of the novel where Tom returns and sidetracks Huck from his rescue of Jim through a long series of silly, boyish plans based on ideas Tom has picked up from Romantic novels, such as those of Walter Scott. Critic Stephen Railton dismisses these final chapters as just another version of their Royal Nonesuch (405); referring, of course, to the silly play put on by the Duke and Dauphin in chapter 23. From one point of view, this whole evasion sequence seems funny and humorous in the traditions of frontier and southwestern†¦show more content†¦For one, Stephen Railton says Jims role is haplessly comic (401). Several critics argue that Jim fits into the stereotypical figure of the black-face minstrel shows popular at the time (Carey-Webb 24) (an accusation with profound repercussions, to be addressed shortly). And remember how most of Twains books until this one, such as The Innocents Abroad and Roughing It , were comic travel books. And it also seems likely that Twain is satirizing Romanticism (another possible idea to be addressed later). However, despite the humor (or maybe because of it), the book remains very serious. As V. S. Pritchett puts it, The curious thing about Huckleberry Finn is that, although it is one of the funniest books in all literature and really astonishing in the variety of its farce and character, we are even more moved than we are amused by it (307). Pritchett goes on to say, The value of a native humor like Twains is that it expresses a profound reality in human nature: the ability of man to adjust himself to circumstance and to live somehow (307). There is truth in comedy. Comedians can tell us brutal realities that dramatist cannot. 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